How to Build the European Political Community by Jean Pisani-Ferry & Daniela Schwarzer

An October 6 EU summit in Prague could mark a turning point in the continent’s integration process. With a clearly defined mandate, ambitious goals and serious commitment, the new body could reshape the EU’s relationship with its neighbours.

PARIS/BERLIN – When historians look back at the inaugural European Political Community (EPC) Summit, which will take place in Prague on October 6, they may see it as a turning point for the European integration project. Or they consider it a mere footnote.

The EPC, as proposed by French President Emmanuel Macron in May, is intended to serve as a forum for European leaders to “find a new space for political and security cooperation” and discuss issues of common interest such as energy policy and infrastructure discuss. The Prague Summit will bring together leaders from EU member states and candidate countries, including Ukraine and Moldova. It will also include countries outside the European Union such as Israel, Switzerland and Turkey. Although she supports Brexit, British Prime Minister Liz Truss will attend the gathering.

The war in Ukraine has highlighted the importance of reshaping the EU’s relations with its neighbours. The European Neighborhood Policy – a framework for deepening relations with the EU’s eastern and southern neighbors – has failed and the enlargement process is painfully slow. By granting candidate status to Ukraine and Moldova in June, EU leaders demonstrated the kind of decisive action the new geopolitical landscape calls for. However, the decision also created a conundrum: the EU can either speed up its enlargement process or keep the current criteria and timetable, which would require a decade of waiting.

However, neither of these options is ideal. An unreformed EU of 36 member states would be hampered by veto powers, a bloated European Parliament and a hopelessly fragmented executive branch. But allowing the enlargement process to proceed at a snail’s pace and forcing Ukraine and Moldova to wait until it is completed would turn a politically significant commitment into a daunting obstacle course.

The EPC is an attempt to overcome this problem. The idea was first floated by former Italian Prime Minister Enrico Letta and quickly embraced by Macron, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. But the EPC still lacks a clearly defined mission. European leaders must use the Prague Summit to set ambitious goals and set a long-term timetable. Otherwise, the gathering might be remembered as nothing more than a photo op.

In a recent report, we and our co-authors Franz Mayer and Shahin Vallée argue that a well-designed EPC could be an appropriate response to the geopolitical challenges of the 21st century. In addition, the new body could address some of the EU’s internal shortcomings.

As with all clubs, membership is an issue. In view of the ongoing conflict with Russia, participation in EPC should be made dependent on a geopolitical orientation. To ensure consistency, entry criteria should be based on core values, including a commitment to democratic governance, the rule of law and respect for the principles of the international order.

Instead of relying on predetermined, rigid rules, we propose that half a dozen countries inside and outside the EU co-author the joint declaration after the Prague summit. That would set the bar high enough for self-selection to kick in.

EPC could serve as a bridge to a larger EU and a framework for more permanent continental integration. To that end, European leaders must use the upcoming summit to build a platform that combines political dialogue with policy-making. The EPC could start as a soft law agreement between the participating states and the EU. It could make decisions by “rough consensus” without vetoes and serve as a testing ground for much-needed reforms to voting rules.

The current energy crisis offers a unique opportunity to create a new framework for inclusive cooperation that would redefine the role of the EU and its Member States and encourage greater participation from neighboring countries. Connecting Ukraine to the European electricity grid, signing gas deals with Norway and building green hydrogen infrastructure would require a broader collaborative framework.

The EPC could also advance critical security and defense partnerships. The war in Ukraine has exposed the weakness of Europe’s security and defense architecture and highlighted the need for European countries to work together on counter-terrorism, cybersecurity and digital connectivity. Furthermore, it would show that cooperation could be mutually beneficial by allowing countries like Ukraine to share know-how and experience with the EU.

Finally, the EPC could help break the hub-and-spoke nature of the EU’s current relationship with the candidate countries. All countries should participate on an equal footing and have the same rights and obligations. Furthermore, the EPC would not be seen as a substitute for EU accession. Instead, it is intended to act as an accelerator.

The joint statement, which will most likely follow the EPC summit, should commit participating countries to signing a binding agreement by spring 2023. This document should set out the mandate, areas of cooperation, budget and membership criteria of the new body. In parallel, the EU must push ahead with institutional and decision-making reforms. The corresponding reform agenda should be defined immediately after the 2024 European elections so that institutional reform and enlargement are completed by 2030.

As it is rooted in soft law, the creation of the EPC would not require a lengthy formal ratification process. Eventually, however, the EPC should evolve into a more formal regulation. But that could be discussed at a later date. The task of European leaders is to initiate a pragmatic and purposeful partnership of like-minded countries on our continent. It couldn’t come soon enough.